By Femi Akomolafe
Accra, Sept 1, GNA – Today, September 1, 2026, marks the first anniversary of President Xi Jinping’s Global Governance Initiative (GGI), announced at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Plus meeting in Tianjin, China.
The initiative is anchored on five propositions: sovereign equality, the rule of international law, genuine multilateralism, a people-centred approach and the conversion of declarations into concrete action.
Simple propositions, perhaps. But in a world where questions of sovereignty, international law and representation in global institutions continue to generate debate, these principles deserve closer examination, particularly from an African perspective.
The GGI is not introducing the principle of sovereign equality to international relations. The United Nations Charter has recognised the sovereign equality of states since 1945. Its significance lies rather in China’s attempt to bring together these principles in a proposal for a more representative and inclusive international system.
In June 2026, China’s white paper on global governance placed the United Nations at the centre of its proposed international order and called for greater representation of developing countries in global institutions.
The question for Africa is whether the existing international system provides sufficient space for developing countries to participate meaningfully in decisions that shape global political and economic affairs.
The answer requires looking at history.
For centuries, Africa experienced slavery, colonialism, resource extraction and unequal economic relationships with the industrialised world. The consequences of that history continue to influence contemporary international relations.
The end of formal colonial rule did not eliminate every form of external influence. Kwame Nkrumah’s concept of neo-colonialism remains relevant to discussions about the ways in which economic, political and institutional relationships can sometimes reproduce patterns of dependency.
Development assistance, capacity-building, humanitarian support and other forms of international cooperation can contribute significantly to development. They are most beneficial, however, when they are built on mutual respect, transparency and the priorities of the countries receiving them.
Africa should therefore move beyond relationships characterised by dependency and pursue partnerships based on mutual interest, trade, investment, technology transfer and respect for national sovereignty.
Europe, because of its geographical proximity and longstanding historical relationship with Africa, remains an important potential economic partner. A relationship increasingly based on reciprocal trade, industrial cooperation, technology and shared prosperity could benefit both continents.
Africa’s relationship with Europe, however, should be defined by contemporary interests and mutual respect rather than by historical grievances alone.
The same principle should apply to Africa’s growing relationship with China.
African countries should neither accept uncritically the view that every Chinese initiative is exploitative nor assume that every Chinese project represents an automatic solution to the continent’s development challenges.
Africa must judge each project by its outcomes.
Chinese investment and infrastructure development have expanded significantly across the continent, while China has become an important economic and diplomatic partner for many African countries. At the same time, questions relating to debt sustainability, technology transfer, local manufacturing, employment, environmental standards and value addition remain important considerations.
The objective should not be to replace one form of dependency with another.
Africa should instead broaden its partnerships and create the strategic space to engage China, Europe, the United States, India, the Arab states, Latin America, Russia and other partners according to its own development priorities.
The principle should be simple: cooperate with everyone, submit to no one, and examine every agreement carefully.
China, like other major powers, has economic, diplomatic and strategic interests in Africa. Chinese companies seek markets, supply chains and access to critical minerals, while Beijing also seeks stronger diplomatic relationships with African states.
These interests do not automatically make cooperation either beneficial or harmful. What matters is the nature and outcome of each partnership.
The first pillar of the GGI, sovereign equality, is particularly relevant to Africa because of the continent’s longstanding concern about external interference in domestic affairs.
Genuine sovereign equality should mean that all states, regardless of their economic or military strength, have the right to determine their political, economic and security priorities in accordance with international law.
The second pillar, international law, raises questions about the consistency with which international rules are applied. For Africa, respect for the United Nations Charter and international law remains essential to a stable and predictable international system.
The third pillar, multilateralism, means more than bringing governments together for meetings. It should provide developing countries with meaningful participation in the institutions that govern global finance, technology, peace, security and trade.
This makes reform of the United Nations Security Council and the broader international financial architecture important issues for Africa and the wider Global South.
The fourth pillar, a people-centred approach, resonates strongly with Africa’s development priorities.
A people-centred global order should translate into food security, quality education, healthcare, decent employment, affordable energy, industrial development and opportunities for communities to participate in decisions concerning their resources.
Development should ultimately be measured by improvements in the lives of ordinary people rather than by the number of conferences held or declarations adopted.
The fifth pillar, real action, is the test by which every international initiative should be judged.
China’s growing role in Africa presents opportunities, but projects must be transparent, financially sustainable, locally beneficial and aligned with African continental priorities.
The African Continental Free Trade Area, the African Union’s Agenda 2063 and regional infrastructure initiatives should provide important frameworks for determining the continent’s development direction.
For Africa, the deeper challenge is not simply that major powers compete for influence. Such competition is a feature of international relations.
The challenge is whether Africa can develop and consistently implement a coherent continental strategy that enables it to negotiate from a position of greater collective strength.
African countries should coordinate positions on critical minerals, debt restructuring, technology transfer, military cooperation, data governance, climate finance and trade.
The African Union must be strengthened as an effective instrument for continental negotiation, while regional organisations should work more closely to promote common interests.
Transparency is equally important. African parliaments, civil society organisations, journalists and researchers should have opportunities to scrutinise major agreements entered into in the name of their countries.
Africa should welcome every partner willing to engage on the basis of mutual respect and shared interests.
Europe should be engaged as a neighbour and economic partner. China should be engaged on the basis of mutually beneficial cooperation. The same approach should apply to India, the Arab states, Latin America, Russia, the United States and other international partners.
The objective is not to choose one geopolitical camp over another.
Africa’s interest lies in maintaining the freedom to work with all partners while avoiding excessive dependence on any single country or bloc.
One year after the announcement of the GGI, its appeal to Africa lies partly in its emphasis on sovereign equality and the possibility of a more representative international system.
But Africa should not merely applaud proposals advanced by China or any other major power. It should examine them critically and determine how they serve African interests.
Sovereign equality begins with African self-respect, but it cannot end there. It requires accountable governments, capable institutions, industrial policy, continental coordination and effective leadership.
The long-term impact of the GGI remains to be seen. Its contribution to global governance will depend on how its principles are translated into practice and how other countries, including those in Africa, engage with them.
Africa must therefore enter the emerging debate not as a passive recipient of ideas but as an active participant with clearly defined interests.
The continent has the resources, markets, human capital and institutional frameworks to become a stronger participant in the international system.
What is required is greater unity of purpose.
Africa must not arrive at the global table with a begging bowl. It must arrive with a coherent plan, a united voice and the confidence of a people determined to shape their own future.
GNA
Edited by Beatrice Asamani Savage
The writer, Femi Akomolafe, is a farmer, writer, published author, essayist, satirist, social commentator and geopolitical analyst.